How And Why Does Israel Have So Much Power?

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3-Year-Old Palestinian Boy Shot in the Head Dies

Seemingly, countries, ever so slowly, are waking up to the apartheid state of the Palestinians:

Gaza-based groups discuss Palestine developments in Egypt


The Government of Italy contributes EUR 1 million to UNRWA in Gaza
 

Daze

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3-Year-Old Palestinian Boy Shot in the Head Dies

Seemingly, countries, ever so slowly, are waking up to the apartheid state of the Palestinians:

Gaza-based groups discuss Palestine developments in Egypt


The Government of Italy contributes EUR 1 million to UNRWA in Gaza
The 3 year old was actually 2. Nearly every media outlet in the middle east covered it. It happened a few days ago.
 

Daze

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Stucky

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Defense for Children International – Palestine publishes a report, Arbitrary by Default – Palestinian Children in the Israeli Military Court System:

"DCIP collected affidavits from 766 West Bank Palestinian children detained by Israeli forces between 2016 and 2022 that show three-quarters of them endured some form of physical violence following arrest and 97 percent had no parent present during interrogation, and two thirds were not properly informed of their rights. All were subject to Israeli military law that denies basic and fundamental fair trial protections and guarantees and prosecuted in Israel’s military court system which is not independent or impartial".

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Stucky

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‘A Synagogue Toting Guns’: How the Religious Right Is Distorting History in Israeli Schools

When Israeli schoolkids learn the history of Zionism, they’re increasingly presented with a narrative focusing on religion and hyper-nationalism, with a black hole where the country’s secular and socialist founding fathers were once featured. Who can confront the right’s hijacking of history?

The extremist Israeli party called Otzma Yehudit tried last month to pass the so-called “Zionism Law,” which would enshrine their interpretation of Zionism “as a legal and decisive principle.”

This law is aimed at favoring Jews over Arabs and expanding settlements, and is based on their own ultra-nationalist and religious outlook. It’s not only the latest policy being promoted by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government. It is also part of a long-term campaign to rewrite Israel’s founding story of Zionism.

Zionism was founded as a secular movement driven by liberal ideas but in recent years it has been distorted for ideological reasons to as one rooted in observant Judaism and ultra-nationalism.

Laying the foundations for this change has been the right’s takeover of the Israeli education system in the past 15 years which, more than other government ministry, shapes the worldview of the country’s future citizens.

To understand this historical revisionism, it is important to return to the place where Israelis learn their national story: high school history classes. Since the 2000s, Israeli secular high school history classes have been taught as a narrative of chronological Jewish continuity from the Mishna period to the state: They begin with the period of the Second Temple and Jewish communities in the Middle Ages; they then move on to nationalism, Zionism and the establishment of the state of Israel, before ending with World War II and the Holocaust.

As pointed out by Aluf Benn, Haaretz’s editor-in-chief this narrative deals exclusively with Jewish history and focuses on a long-awaited return to the Land of Israel.

I was a high school student in Israel and was first exposed to a different narrative of the Zionist story when moving abroad for college. There, over 7,000 miles from home, I learned that the founding of Israel was a major break with past Jewish history. Labor Zionists, the main stream in Zionism for many years, rebelled against the old religious way of life in the shtetl and the rabbinical authorities. It took Yosef Baratz, a member of Israel’s first Knesset and founder of Kibbutz Degania Alef, for example, two years to muster up the courage to tell his parents about making aliyah, which he did as part of the Second Aliyah, the second major wave of immigration here, in 1906.

His horrified father consulted the rabbi, who warned that the boy might stray from the righteous path and into the hands of heretics in Eretz Israel – a common refrain from the European rabbis of the time, who opposed the secular nature of Zionism.

I also discovered that the founders were inspired by the ideas of Russian revolutionaries for their social revolution attempting to build a more just society based on tikkun olam, the Jewish concept of repairing the world. They built kibbutzim, and the Israeli government passed socialist driven legislation to establish national insurance and the health maintenance organizations that still exist today.

I kept asking myself why didn’t I learn this history in high school?

An unpublished study by the Molad Center, a progressive Israeli think tank, examined how Zionism is taught in official, non-religious state schools. It shows that history matriculation exams between 2011-2019 almost entirely excluded the Second Aliyah and socialist influences on Zionism. This erasure was also confirmed by several veteran history teachers interviewed for the study. Rather, as noted by Eyal Naveh, Head of the Academic Council at the Kibbutzim College of Education, military and political aspects of the movement are emphasized more in high school history education.

National founding stories can certainly change. While Israel’s founders and first governments were socialist representing the Zionist mainstream, 1977 represented a change in the country’s direction with Menachem Begin’s right-wing government.

As socialism lost its hold over Israeli society, this was likely also reflected in high school textbooks. But education has become more extreme over the years following the right’s growing control of the Education Ministry and the entry of external right-wing and religious organizations into secular public schools following privatization of the system. This has introduced a combination of religion and hyper-nationalism into the classroom. For instance, research suggests that the popular six-day “Masa Israeli” trip across Israel for 11th graders from the Bereshit foundation whose founders come from the settler right, engages in instilling a right-wing religious narrative to youth.

“The core Zionist ideal of negation of the Diaspora is going through a revision, and we are trying to put the [Jewish exile] back into Israel,” says Dr. Avner Inbar, the academic director of Molad, who has studied how Zionism is taught for the past several years. He worries that the current narrative being taught leaves out the revolution and depicts Israel as a synagogue transported from Europe to the Middle East – completely unchanged, but now toting guns.

This revision can also be seen in the way that the country’s secular and socialist founding fathers were recast by the right to fit their ideology. According to Anita Shapira, a well-known historian of labor Zionism, the right practically “added payot,” the sidelocks sported by some ultra-Orthodox Jews, to Theodore Herzl, considered the founder of modern Zionism.

In fact Herzl was secular and wrote that the future state must be tolerant and fair to all its citizens. He did not believe that rabbis should have any influence in the new state. The right, however, “erased his liberal sides and only presented him as the visionary of the state. And he had a beard, which was even better,” says Shapira.

A similar process took place with David Ben-Gurion, whose socialism was almost entirely erased in favor of nationalism, she adds.

It’s entirely political, she explains: “You cannot erase the fact that Herzl was central to the appearance of Zionism and that Ben-Gurion is also the founder of the country and its shaper in its first 15 years. So, what do you do? You have to find a way to integrate them into the pantheon of the right.”

Dr. Naveh noticed a similar process in the religious Zionist education system, in which he encountered students who the distortion that Zionism originated thanks to the Vilna Gaon, a renowned Lithuanian rabbi and scholar, and his students.

Recent months have shown that many Israelis do not agree with the vision of Zionism represented by far-right figures in the government, including Itamar Ben-Gvir, long-time extremist provocateur turned national security minister.

Israelis have taken to the streets, national flags in hand, to fight for an alternative vision. Demonstrating alone, however, will not be enough to reclaim this alternate Zionism. For many years, the right has been stitching together a revisionist historical agenda in the educational arena. Those who want to save this vision of Zionism and the future of the country must meet them there.

As Ben-Gvir showed so plainly in his attempt to define and legislate his own version of Zionism, founding stories are not just about the past – they dictate the country’s future.

Anat Peled is a Rhodes Scholar who completed her master’s degree in history at the University of Oxford and is a research fellow at Molad: The Center for the Renewal of Israeli Democracy.

 
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Israel/OPT: Civilian deaths and extensive destruction in latest Gaza offensive highlight human toll of apartheid


No Pain No Gain - Richmond runs 65km for Palestine!
 

Stucky

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Victory is defeat: Palestinian children’s art exposes Israel’s cultural genocide
An update on that story,

 

Daze

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There is only one threat to the Jewish global elite and they have been bombing it for 20+ years.
Do people not stop and think all of the non-whites flooding into Europe are because of the white mans hand in slaughtering them?
The chickens have literally come home to roost.

Here's a famous quote by a Zionist puppet talking about Iraq.

Reporter ~ We have heard 500,000 children have died, that's more then.. Hiroshima.. you know, is the price worth it?
Albright ~ "We think it was worth it."


There is a reason Jews are planting Gharqad trees all over Palestine.
 

Stucky

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Stucky

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Sam Bahour - Haaretz,

"Depending on who you talk to, the Palestinian economy is either in intensive care, a victim of relentless and prolonged Israeli military aggression or it is thriving, exhibiting remarkable resilience in the face of all the challenges it faces.

In May, The World Bank reported that the Palestinian economy had a “bleak” outlook, citing Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip and more restrictions on the West Bank.

In June, Firas Melhem, governor of The Palestine Monetary Authority, told a group of business people in Nablus the good news that the Palestinian banking sector was growing and amounted to some $21 billion dollars of capital.

Welcome to Palestinians’ state of “economic schizophrenia”: a mix of development and growth and economic woe all tangled within Israel’s ongoing occupation and a new government with extremist ministers that has made life even more dangerous and deadly.

Make no mistake, even when there is positive economic news, think how much better it should be without Israel’s control of the macroeconomic development of Palestine. So, any good economic news or forecast comes from the hard work on the ground of building a Palestinian economy despite that. That’s why it’s imperative all the major players act to support the Palestinian economy’s normal operation, especially while it strives to make progress under military occupation.

Watching the news, one may be excused for not seeing that Palestinians are engaged in an economic struggle no less intense than their political struggle aiming for national liberation and statehood.

Overnight Monday for example, Israel launched a massive operation targeting a Palestinian militant stronghold inside a refugee camp inside the West Bank town of Jenin. It’s not by chance that the camp has both extremely high rates of unemployment and poverty and has become a hotbed for armed resistance against the Israeli occupation. Contributing to the interlocking cycle of poverty and violence is that hundreds of its residents are ineligible for work permits inside Israel because Israel suspects them of being militants.

The city of Jenin’s economy is dependent in part on Palestinian citizens of Israel doing their shopping there. But when Israeli drones are attacking targets and there are ground forces in place the economic damage in an already fragile setting will be lasting.

A closer look reveals the economic and political struggles are one. In the past, one could have been mystified as to why Israel did not permit Palestinian economic development, but the current Israeli government has effectively “spilled the beans”. They have made it clear in their actions and words of their most extreme members revealing what Palestinians have been arguing for years: Israel has no intention of allowing Palestinians to establish a state. Their plan — already in action — is ultimately one of annexation of the West Bank, as indicated by Bezalel Smotrich, Israel’s far-right finance minister, a proponent of Jewish superiority.

As part of his agreement to be part of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition a number of governmental powers in the West Bank were transferred from the military to him. Smotrich has made no secret of his vision. In a 2017 article called The Tipping Plan, he outlines his plan to have Palestinians either leave their homes, accept their fate as unequal subjects under Israel’s iron fist, or turn violent.

Anyone who knows Palestinians will not be surprised that the Palestinians have no plans to heed any of Smotrich’s plans for us. Instead, we wake up every morning to build our economy, no matter how damaged or distorted it may be. We create all the jobs we can to keep Palestinians in Palestine, the ultimate act of non-violent resistance in the face of this government’s plans to continue displacing us.

We hope that as young Palestinians find dignified employment, they will have the resources and mindset to be creative in how they non-violently resist Israel’s military occupation.

Regardless of one’s preference for a particular model for peace, two states, one state, confederation, federation, parallel sovereignty, a condominium arrangement, or anything in between, one thing is given: Palestinians must be able to build a viable economy.

The Palestinian economy could be the economic foundation of the future Palestinian state, or if a state is no longer feasible or desired, then Palestinians have a right to build an economy that will offer their community a viable existence within the state of Israel.

In the meantime, as occupation soldiers on, international human rights as outlined under the Fourth Geneva Convention stipulates that despite occupation and war, the people living in an occupied territory are to be “allowed to live as normal lives as possible”.

Even if the situation is not classified as a military occupation, as Israel alone, in the world, declares, then common sense would call for Israel to allow Palestinians under its control to economically develop so as not to instigate even more poverty, and loss of hope, which can lead some, especially the young, turn to the path of violence.

Life for Palestinians was difficult enough before the current Israeli government, but since it took power and assumed a policy of naked aggression against our communities, while unleashing settler violence like never before, the result has been the highest number of Palestinian deaths in two decades. In the face of state violence and settler violence, two sides of the same coin, fighting for our economy becomes even more essential.

Israel must be held accountable for suffocating the Palestinian economy from blocking access to natural resources like water, gas, quarries, and the sea, laying siege on the Gaza Strip, and hindering every Palestinian’s movement. The international community must hold Israel accountable for this growing catastrophe. However, accountability alone, even if effective with the help of international law is not enough.

The Palestinian government is not an innocent bystander to this economic mess. They must be more effective, less corrupt and, above all, allow for legitimate political representation, by elections or otherwise, within all levels of government.

But economies are not built on islands. Now more than ever we need the global private sector’s help.

We do not seek charity, rather we seek to be treated equally in the global economy. This means access to global markets and global platforms. One key platform, especially in today’s digital world, is global payment systems, like PayPal, the leading payment platform. Regretfully, as a case in point, PayPal refuses to offer its services to Palestinians but has no issue providing accounts to illegal Israeli settlers in the West Bank.

There is no satisfactory answer to those who ask why PayPal refuses to follow the lead of technology giants like Google, Cisco, HP, Oracle, and many others, which all operate in Palestine. Even Apple Pay and Stripe, PayPal’s competitors, operate there.

Nevertheless, many multinational firms from the U.S. and around the world, like Coca-Cola, Pepsi, Kellogg’s, KraftHeinz, and GEHC Pharma, are among many companies working within the Palestinian economy. They are doing the right thing by showing up and becoming facilitators for a better future in Palestine. Such firms should be recognized for helping build the arc that Martin Luther King Jr. so eloquently said in 1968 “bends toward justice”.

There is no purely economic solution to this political quagmire. But while the world figures out how to end this human-made catastrophe, no one has the luxury to turn away, not Israelis, not the Palestinian government, the international community, nor the corporate world.

The harm military occupation and the settler movement are doing is clearly visible. But international companies taking a discriminatory approach to Palestine also do deep and lasting damage.

Meanwhile, I watch Jenin smoldering from this most recent act of Israeli aggression and I see a wounded party whose name won’t be reported once the casualty list is tallied, but who needs our help. It’s called the Palestinian economy".

source

Meanwhile,

 

Stucky

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Shepherds in the South Hebron Hills were shocked to discover that a tent had been pitched by settlers on land that they were forbidden to enter. Four brothers whose family owns the land were arrested – and the settlers are still there

Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Haaretz,

"A shepherd woke up at 5 A.M. on the first day of Eid al-Adha, the feast of the sacrifice, late last week, and took his flock of sheep out to graze, on the arid, rocky soil of the South Hebron Hills. In 2006, the head of the army’s Central Command issued an order barring the entry of Israelis to this swath of land, which belongs to the shepherd’s family and other families. Now, the young herder was tending his flock tranquilly, when his father phoned him in a panic: Neighbors had seen a blue tent – apparently pitched overnight by settlers on this private land – not far from the well from which they draw water for their sheep. The interlopers had also brought a flock of 30 sheep there.
Stunned, the shepherd quickly summoned members of his family and others who own land there. The settlers, armed with rifles, attacked them with fists, stones and rifle butts. The police and the army took their time in coming – and when they finally did show up, the soldiers took the shepherd and his three brothers into custody, following the lead of one of the settlers, who told them whom to arrest.
And the invaders? Surprise, surprise: Not only was none of them detained, but the tent is still standing, and the settlers and their sheep are still there, too. Coming soon, one assumes, will be yet another, new settler outpost.
Such is life in the land of settler supremacy: total disorder, especially in the remote South Hebron Hills. The victim becomes the guilty party and the guilty become prosecutor and victor in every struggle. This is the system now, in every place where it’s possible: Invade by force, bring some sheep, and presto! – you have a “farm.” The government and the army no longer remove anything. Thus, another outpost is born in the South Hebron Hills, in this case alongside its three outlaw predecessors – Havat Talia, Mitzpeh Yair and Sussia.
And the shepherd, his family and the other landowners, all residents of the hamlet of Imneizil? They will try to go to court, but in the land of lawlessness, where even an order issued by the area’s commanding general is disregarded by the settler thugs, what good can a court do them? Kiss the land goodbye.
Despair in the South Hebron Hills. Despair during our visit this past Monday, when the Israel Defense Forces invaded the Jenin refugee camp in the northern West Bank and demolished parts of it. The hearts of the helpless residents in the hills were with those they saw as heroes in the Jenin camp. Indeed, some didn’t budge from the television from morning to night, riveted by the wrenching real-time broadcasts. But their hearts were also with the four brothers who had been detained.
The despair in the South Hebron Hills is palpable among its many, weak shepherding communities, more vulnerable now than ever to physical and property abuse at the whim of settlers, whose goal is transparent and manifest: to seize control of as much land as possible in order to expel as many inhabitants as possible from this hardscrabble territory, the homeland of these Palestinians and of their forebears.
At home in Imneizil on Monday, the shepherd Jihad Abu Sabha – born in 1967, the year of occupation – is distraught that his four sons remain in custody. The phone never stops ringing, with calls from lawyers and activists who want to update him. On Sunday, the military court at the Ofer Prison had ordered them released, but the police quickly appealed the decision, and the following day they still hadn’t been freed.
Four brothers who tried to defend their land were attacked by settlers and incarcerated, while the encroaching settlers remain on the soil that is by law off-limits to them. And all this on the holiest of Muslim festivals. Imagine that your land is taken over by outsiders on Yom Kippur. Perhaps the invaders planned their plunder for precisely this day, or perhaps they’ve never heard of Eid al-Adha.
Abu Sabha is the father of 11 children. Those arrested are his four eldest sons: Ibrahim, 36; Mohammed, 30; Mahmoud, 26; and Yusuf, 23. Two are married, and the two younger ones are due to be married next month. Mahmoud herds the family’s sheep, his three brothers have permits to work in Israel as plasterers and construction hands. Their father is apprehensive that their permits will be revoked because settlers stole their land – that’s the usual form of justice in these parts. In any event, they missed celebrating Eid al-Adha.

When Jihad Abu Sabha arrived at the police station in Kiryat Arba, an urban settlement abutting Hebron, hoping to file a complaint against the settlers who attacked his sons, the officer at the entrance said, “Hey, don’t you have a holiday today?” To which Abu Sabha replied, “You wrecked it for us. Now we are celebrating between the police, the army and the settlers.” The officer agreed to take the complaint only the following day.
It was on Wednesday, June 28, that Mahmoud took the flock out to pasture. Shortly afterward, his father got a phone call from a member of the Abu Kabirna family, who live next to Havat Talia: “I see a blue tent next to the well on your land.” The father immediately called his son, but Mahmoud said he was still in the wadi and hadn’t yet arrived at the summit of the hill, where the well is, so he couldn’t see anything. Abu Sabha called the Kiryat Arba police, and police officers arrived at the Metzudat Yehuda checkpoint to meet him. Mahmoud then called to inform his father that there were around 10 armed settlers on their land and that they were trying to drive him off with force.
A police officer told Abu Sabha that he and his family were not permitted to go into the field without an army escort, but the army took hours to arrive. Abu Sabha headed for his land, fearful for his son’s fate. He called the Nawajeh, Harnat, Rashid and Samirat families, neighbors who also own land in the same area. In the past there have been no few incidents with settlers there, which is what originally led to the issuing of the order from Central Command.
Abu Sabha arrived at the site accompanied by 10 to 15 neighbors. He told the young people to park at a distance and went to speak with the settlers, some of whom he knows from previous confrontations, among them the owners of the Talia Farm, Yedidya and Bezalel Talia. “Why are you here?” he asked, and got the usual reply: “This is our land.” At one stage, the Palestinians began to dismantle the settlers’ tent, at which point clashes erupted. One of the people with Abu Sabha, Mohammed Ali Rashid, 25, was wounded after being struck by a rifle butt and hit in the back with a stone. He spent a night in the hospital.
The army arrived, Abu Sabha recalls, and the soldiers then arrested whomever Yedidya Talia told them to take into custody. They also detained two volunteers – an Italian woman and an Israeli man – who had come to help the Palestinians protect their property. They were subsequently released. In the next stage, Border Police arrived and ordered all the local people off their own land.
A few days later, attorney Quamar Mishriqi-Assad, co-director of the NGO Haqel: In Defense of Human Rights, who has accompanied the struggle of the South Hebron Hills residents to retain their land for many years, sent an urgent letter to the Civil Administration and the Hebron police. After relating the events of June 28, she wrote, “This event does not stand alone. It is an inseparable part of the events that were reported to you last week, which have been taking place in recent days, led by extreme right-wing activists from Im Tirtzu [a right-wing Zionist organization] and settlers from the Havat Talia outpost, when in all the cases the soldiers deployed in the sector are flagrantly refusing to take action to stop the settlers’ attacks on the residents… If the structures on the site are not removed, and Closure Order 3/06 is not enforced, the residents will have no choice but to resort to taking urgent legal measures against contempt of court and the violation of your commitments to the High Court of Justice.”
The Palestinians in question are surrounded by the formidable Firing Zone 918, which prevents them from accessing a large part of their land, some of which is the same land the settlers have now moved onto. Yet another part of their property was expropriated to build a patrol road to the settlements and to erect the Metzudat Yehuda checkpoint. According to attorney Mishriqi-Assad, an area of about 600 dunams (150 acres) in the South Hebron Hills has gradually been taken over by outposts – “outpost leakage” is how she describes it. In her letter to the Civil Administration, in addition to the demand to remove the tent immediately, she asked for the Israel Police report on the investigative actions taken against the settler violence that erupted during the incident, including information as to whether the armed settlers had been summoned for questioning. To date, no reply has been received.
A video clip that was taken that Wednesday shows about 10 settlers, some of them masked, rifles slung over their shoulders, walking about like lords and masters. The Palestinians appear to be hesitant to approach them.
The IDF Spokesperson’s Unit issued this statement to Haaretz on the day of the incident: “Friction developed earlier today between Israeli citizens and a number of Palestinians and Israeli activists in the South Hebron Hills. An IDF unit arrived at the site in order to break up the disturbance. Seven suspects were detained, in the wake of the use of violence and physical resistance, and a number of cameras and cell phones on which incrimination material [sic] was found were confiscated and transferred for follow-up by the security forces.”
We observed the site of the incident from a distance this week along with Nasser Nawajah, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem. He urged us not to go closer, for fear of the settlers. We could see the blue tent on the hill, with the invaders’ vehicles next to it. To the right was Havat Talia, on the left Mitzpeh Yair, and Sussia was behind, along with the outposts they have already spawned. The settlers had moved the tent from its original spot on the roof of the cave to the well, a few dozen meters away, even though they have no authority or right to be there. Neither on the roof nor next to the well. Too fearful to approach, the shepherds had no means for drawing water for their sheep.
No response was received by press time about the incident from the spokesperson for the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, but Haaretz did get word that on Tuesday evening, the four brothers Abu Sabha were released on bail."

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Nick Ferrari Can’t Handle The Truth On Palestine


Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime against humanity
Israel and Occupied Palestinian Territories
Detention


"Amnesty International has analysed Israel’s intent to create and maintain a system of oppression and domination over Palestinians and examined its key components: territorial fragmentation; segregation and control; dispossession of land and property; and denial of economic and social rights. It has concluded that this system amounts to apartheid. Israel must dismantle this cruel system and the international community must pressure it to do so. All those with jurisdiction over the crimes committed to maintain the system should investigate them."

 
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