Once the ritual human sacrifice of the king was discontinued, traditions such as the public humiliation of the king replaced it. Sometimes a different person was sacrificed as a substitute for the king.
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By Babylonian times the king was certainly no longer put to death. Yet Ishtar was still described as the one who appointed the king; “She who endowed him with prestige.” In one inscription She was titled, “Counsellor of All Rulers, She Who Holds the Reins of Kings.” In another She was known as “She who gives the sceptre, the throne, the year of reign to all kings.” Sargon of Akkad, one of the earliest kings of central Mesopotamia (at about 2300 BC), wrote that his mother was a high priestess, his father was unknown. Later, he says, Ishtar came to love him “… and then for years I exercised kingship.”
In The Childhood of Man, L. Frobenius, discussing the ritual of the sacrifice of the king, explained, “Already in ancient Babylon it had been weakened, in as much as the king at the New Year Festival in the temple was only stripped of his garments, humiliated and struck, while in the marketplace a substitute, who had been ceremonially installed in all glory, was delivered to death by the noose.” Various accounts of the ceremonies that took place during Babylonian periods tell of the king going to the temple to be struck in the face, his clothing and royal insignia temporarily removed. Other texts tell us that his hair was shorn, his girdle removed and in this state he was thrown into the river. When he emerged he was made to walk about in sackcloth for several days as a symbol of mourning. Saggs observes that “There is some evidence, even from the first
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millenium that the king at his death may have been assimilated to the (supposedly) dying god Tammuz.” These were symbolic reminders of the days when the consort/king would have met his death. But just as Gilgamish continued to live, while Enkidu died, the substitute lost his life as kingship in Sumer and Babylon became a permanent and hereditary institution.
There are hints of expiation of sins and atonement in these rituals—the king is being punished. But for what? It seems that eventually the chastisement came to be for the sins of the people, but did this not originate from his earlier punishment for refusing to defer to the priestess-queen? The fact that good fortune was predicted if tears came to his eyes when he was struck perhaps reveals these origins. According to the Babylonian tablets, “If the king does not weep when struck, the omen is bad for the year.”
Another aspect was eunuch priests. Males giving up their maleness in exchange for power in this matriarchal society. Sounds similar to what's happening today...
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The loyal helpers and attendants in the legends of Ishtar and Inanna were described as eunuchs. The element of castration appears in many ancient accounts of the Goddess religion. Repeated references were made to the presence of eunuch priests in ancient Sumer, Babylon, Canaan and most especially in Anatolia, where classical texts report that the number of such men serving in the religion of the Goddess at that time was as high as five thousand in certain cities. The eunuch priests in Anatolia of classical times actually called themselves Attis.
Suggestions have been put forth to explain the evident willingness of these men to castrate themselves, a custom we may find somewhat astonishing today. These explanations are supported by the appearance all through the Near East of representations of priests in female clothing, the costume eunuch priests are said to have worn. Stylianos Alexiou writes, “The priests and musicians wearing long feminine robes fall into a special category. This practice has led to the surmise that,
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perhaps owing to Syrian influence, there existed companies of eunuch priests in the Cretan palaces. During a later period the eunuch priests of Cybele and Attis in Asia Minor formed a similar class.”
It seems quite possible that as men began to gain power, even within the religion of the Goddess, they replaced priestesses. They may have initially gained this right by identifying with and imitating the castrated state of the son/lover; or in an attempt to imitate the female clergy, which originally held the power, they may have tried to rid themselves of their maleness by adopting the ritual of castration and the wearing of women’s clothing. In Anatolia and even in Rome, after a young male devotee of the Goddess had taken the sacred knife to his own body he then ran through the streets, still holding the severed parts. He eventually flung these into a house along the way, custom decreeing that the inhabitants of that house should provide him with women’s clothing, which he wore from that time on.
G. R. Taylor, in his abridgment of Briffault’s The Mothers, commented on this custom. He observed that “The first step in the limitation of the status of women was to take over from them the monopoly of the religious function.” Graves pointed out that the king was often privileged to deputize for the queen, but only if he wore her robes. He suggested that this was the system in Sumerian Lagash. In some areas of Anatolia of classical times, eunuch priests appear to have totally gained control of the Goddess religion. A large group of eunuch priests accompanied the statue and rites of Cybele when these were first brought into Rome. We may only speculate as to the effect and influence this may have had upon the newly forming Christian religion and the custom of celibacy among the priests, still existent in the canons of the Catholic Church.
In the context of the ancient Israelites being surrounded by these goddess worshipping pagans, some of the more seemingly cruel or arbitraryy stipulations laid out under Mosaic Law - prohibiting eunuchs, as mentioned, or people of unknown paternity, as well as the strict prohibition of men wearing women's clothing, - take on a new relevance.
The laws of the early Hebrews stated that a man without a penis was not to be considered as a member of the congregation. “No man whose testicles have been crushed or whose organ has been severed shall become a member of the assembly of the Lord” (Deut. 23:1). It is perhaps significant that the Bible claims that the original covenant that Yahweh made with Abraham was so explicit about the practice of circumcision. It required that it be done to all Hebrew males shortly after birth. Though this has often been explained by writers in contemporary society as having been a preventive health measure against venereal diseases, could it actually have been a means of emphasizing the “maleness” of the male-worshiping Hebrews from the “femaleness” of those who had joined the Goddess?
Shockingly (or not, considering her female supremacist tendencies) the author seems to be upset that once men were in power human sacrifice stopped.
Also briefly mentions the history of minimizing goddess worship among historians.
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The castrated and/or dying youthful consort, a vestige of the times in which the high priestess held the divine right to the throne, is often ignored or misunderstood by writers who concentrate on one geographical area or one chronological period and fail to examine the gradual transition from the supremacy of the female deity and Her priestesses to the eventual suppression and obliteration of those beliefs. At times the misunderstanding seems astonishingly disconnected from all documentary evidence.
In 1964 A. Leo Oppenheim, who in less than two lines hastily whisked over the Goddess first worshiped in Sumer as the patron deity of written language, then proceeded to spend five full pages discussing his theory that the word istaru was simply a concept that implied fate or life destiny, later personified by men as the Goddess Ishtar. He asserted that this in turn explained why the Goddess was continually described as “the carrier, the fountainhead of the power and prestige of the king.”
But the mass of evidence makes it clear that Ishtar, as well as other versions of the Goddess throughout the Near and Middle East, was described as “the fountainhead of the power and prestige of the king” because it was actually required that the king become the sexual consort of the high priestess, incarnation of the Goddess on earth, who probably held the rights to the royal throne through matrilineal descent.
The custom of ritual regicide disappeared as the patrilineal tribes gained dominance. The numerous copies of the legend of Gilgamish, in various languages, may have been used to further this purpose. Permanent hereditary kingship became the rule and as the male deity gained supremacy, the role of the benefactor of the divine right to the throne was eventually shifted over to him, a concept of the rights of royalty that survives even today. There can be little doubt that the original customs of ritual regicide, and the political position of the high priestess, presented a major obstacle to the desire of the northern conquerors for a permanent kingship and more total control of government. But a second, and perhaps equally vital, point of confrontation leads us in the following chapter to a more thorough explanation of the attitudes and cultural patterns that surrounded sex and reproduction in the religion of the Goddess, allowing and even encouraging a female kinship system to continue.