Regarding Uyghur

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In a context in which many Uyghurs in exile have their parents and siblings confined to the camps and cannot help them, some say relatives died in the camps for no reason, but their bodies were not returned home.

Ethan Gutmann, another fellow at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, told RFA he estimates anywhere from five to 10 percent of detainees have died each year in the camps and that the location of a crematorium near the camps outside of Aksu suggests authorities may be cremating the bodies of Uyghurs who have been subjected to torture during interrogations to hide evidence.

“My view is that this was a big mistake for them to put these things in a close location to each other, because it cements what we've been suspecting,” he said.


“Normal deaths in the camp are not dealt with by the cremation center.”

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“They’re controlling us,” said Ma Zhongxian, 55, a local Hui businessman who had attended morning prayers, “but mostly the next generation will be affected. They will probably lose their faith, or it will be diluted.”

Adults had relative freedom to worship, he said, but Communist Party cadres, following new state guidelines, sat outside the mosques to ensure no minors entered for Friday prayers. Summer religion and Arabic schools once attended by many Hui children were banned. The call to prayer was forbidden as a “public nuisance,” Ma said, despite Muslims making up 60% of Linxia’s population.

A Times reporter visited the damaged mosques during a government-organized tour of Gansu to showcase poverty alleviation efforts. The mosques were not part of the itinerary. But a Linxia propaganda official confirmed that they had received orders from the central government to combat “Arab-ization, Saudi-ization, and pan-Islamification” in Gansu, and to restrict mosque-building and participation in the hajj, an annual Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca.

“We are worried about foreign infiltration and religious extremism. That’s a global phenomenon,” said the official, who asked not to be named because he was not supposed to discuss the new religious controls. No extremist attacks or activity had happened in Linxia, he said. But the policy was preemptive and came from Beijing.

Officials’ approach to Gansu appears more relaxed than in neighboring Xinjiang, where Uighur minority Muslims have been detained en masse for forced “reeducation,” then either moved to prisons or shipped to low-wage factories for offenses including growing beards, having family members abroad or installing WhatsApp on their phones. Many holy sites there have been razed rather than refurbished with “Chinese” trappings.

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While language and religion are fading from the newly “Sinicized” generation, the older faithful have endured in quiet. Back in Linxia, Ma Zhongxian, the businessman, said he had visited Xinjiang last year and seen stricter restrictions on religious dress and entrance to mosques, and a far stronger security state.

“We are not as bad as them yet,” he said, though he suspected Gansu could soon go in the same direction. Local officials were already saying they needed to Sinicize Muslims for “security reasons.”

“Hui, Dongxiang, everyone is the same. They’re controlling us, not just in Linxia, but in the whole country,” he said. “Of course I am afraid, but what can I do? This is the nation’s trajectory.”

All he could do was to keep his own faith. He would walk past the minaret stumps at noon and pray again.
 






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CCP openly admitting genocide now. They're sterilising Uygur women, aborting their babies and taking away their children.

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